Are bureaucrats’ interactions with politicians linked to the bureaucrats’ policy entrepreneurship tendencies?

by Mariana Costa Silveira, Nissim Cohen, & Gabriela Lotta

Policy entrepreneurs – individuals who seek to shape policy outcomes that they could not otherwise achieve on their own – play a crucial role in the policymaking process. Typical examples of policy entrepreneurs include lobbyists, consultants, and even politicians. Bureaucrats, too, can also be policy entrepreneurs.

Our paper looks at the relationship between bureaucrats’ interactions with other policy actors – specifically politicians, peers, and non-state actors – and how confident the bureaucrats feel about engaging in policy entrepreneurship activities. At a broad level, we know that these interactions impact whether bureaucrats act as policy entrepreneurs, but we don’t have studies that have looked at how these interactions might be related to bureaucrats’ perceptions of their own policy entrepreneurship skills. We also assess how the reputation of a bureaucrat’s organization impacts their self-efficacy. The below research model outlines our hypotheses.

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Figure 1. Research model.

To test our hypotheses, we used a survey of 2,000 bureaucrats in Brazil taken between October and December 2017 by the country’s National School of Public Administration, of whom approximately 30% completed the survey. The survey asked respondents about their levels of confidence performing different sorts of tasks, their frequency of interactions with actors from different groups (e.g., politicians, private companies, unions, etc.), and their motivations for doing their jobs.

In the course of analyzing the data, we found that the bureaucrats surveyed sorted into three profiles, based on their levels of interactions as well as with whom they interacted: brokers, who have high levels of interactions inside and outside of their organization with both state and non-state actors; insiders, who have high levels of interactions mainly inside their organization, with other state actors; and loners, who have low levels of interactions across all actor types. 

We found that bureaucrats who interacted more regularly with peers and politicians displayed more confidence about their ability to engage in policy entrepreneurship. As far as non-state actors were concerned, we found positive – and statistically significant – relationships as regards interactions with the press and unions, but not statistically significant relationships with other non-state actors, such as private companies. Lastly, bureaucrats’ self-efficacy was also positively correlated with the reputation of their organization. We observed some variation across the three bureaucrat profiles: interactions with politicians were most strongly associated with feelings of self-efficacy among brokers than either insiders or loners. Regarding bureaucrats’ motivations to engage in policy entrepreneurship, we found that both the desire to advance the public good and their own careers were associated with greater policy entrepreneurship self-efficacy. This suggests that public- and self-interest motivations aren’t mutually exclusive, and that both can drive policy entrepreneurship. 

We want to caution that, when it comes to bureaucratic self-efficacy about policy entrepreneurship, we have identified correlations rather than causations. The dataset used for this study does not allow us to conclude whether, for example, frequent interactions with politicians makes bureaucrats more confident about engaging in policy entrepreneurship, or whether those bureaucrats already confident in their abilities as policy entrepreneurs are more likely to seek out interactions with politicians. 

Nevertheless, in identifying these correlations, we draw attention to those factors that likely impact whether – and to what extent – bureaucrats engage in policy entrepreneurship. Our findings suggest that expanding opportunities for bureaucrats to grow their networks and interact with different types of actors – such as politicians and those outside of the government – is important for cultivating policy entrepreneurship among bureaucrats. Ultimately, more research will need to be done to identify the precise causal mechanisms at play. Moreover, our study looked only at bureaucrats in Brazil, so additional case studies will confirm the extent to which our findings are generalizable. 

You can read the original article in Policy Studies Journal at

Silveira, Mariana Costa, Nissim Cohen and Gabriela Lotta. 2024. “ Are Bureaucrats’ Interactions With Politicians Linked to the Bureaucrats’ Policy Entrepreneurship Tendencies?.” Policy Studies Journal 52 (3): 533–559. https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12536.

About the Authors

Mariana Costa Silveira is a postdoctoral research fellow at the Swiss Graduate School of Public Administration (IDHEAP) at Lausanne University. Her research interests include behavioral public administration, organizational behavior, policy entrepreneurship, and collaborative governance.

Nissim (Nessi) Cohen is a professor of Public Administration and Policy at the University of Haifa. His research interests include interactions between politicians and bureaucrats, public administration reform, street level bureaucracy and policy entrepreneurship.

Gabriela Lotta is an Associate Professor of Public Administration at Fundação Getulio Vargas’s Sao Paulo School of Business Administration. Her current research interests include policy implementation, street-level bureaucracy and bureaucratic politics.


Institutional Fit and Policy Design in Water Governance: Nebraska’s Natural Resources Districts 

by Tomás Olivier & Sechindra Vallury

Water governance is a critical challenge that demands locally tailored solutions to address diverse social and ecological conditions. Our new paper explores this through Nebraska’s Natural Resources Districts (NRDs)—a basin-level governance arrangement created to manage groundwater resources. We investigated how well NRDs design policies to fit their local social-ecological contexts and the influence of broader institutional mandates on those policies.

The overarching goal of our research was to bridge the gap between institutional fit and policy design literature. To do this, we aim to better understand the drivers behind institutional fit—how well governing arrangements address local resource challenges—and the mechanisms shaping policy design in decentralized governance systems like Nebraska’s NRDs. Our research question was: how do actors in governing arrangements design policy outputs to fit to their social, ecological, and institutional environment?

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Figure 1. Nebraska’s Natural Resource Districts and the status of their Integrated Management Plans. The map was generated using data provided by the Nebraska Department of Natural Resources.

Nebraska’s NRDs are an ideal case for examining institutional fit. Established in 1972, these districts are defined by river basins and tasked with managing shared resources like water, soil, and land. Each NRD develops its own management plans and groundwater rules, which vary widely due to differing local conditions such as precipitation, population, and agricultural needs. This setting allows for a comparative study of how context influences policy design across NRDs.

Using topic modeling, k-means clustering, and fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA), we analyzed Integrated Management Plans (IMPs) and Groundwater Management Rules and Regulations (GMRRs) produced by 23 NRDs. We found evidence that the design of NRD outputs (plans and rules) aligned with local biophysical conditions. NRDs in areas with higher precipitation or greater groundwater demand tended to emphasize water management priorities tailored to those conditions. For instance, NRDs in drier western Nebraska prioritized policies addressing groundwater scarcity, as illustrated by their IMPs’ focus on water quantity controls (see Figure 2).

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Figure 2. Topic model of stemmed text from Integrated Management Plans of 23 Natural Resource Districts.

Our results also suggested that NRDs with a state mandate to develop Integrated Management Plans (IMPs) produced more distinct, context-sensitive policy outputs than those without mandates. NRDs with state-mandated IMPs showed lower textual similarity across their policy outputs, indicating more tailored responses to local conditions. Voluntary IMPs, on the other hand, often relied on boilerplate language, reflecting less contextual customization.

The fsQCA analysis identified multiple pathways for achieving institutional fit, involving combinations of factors like population size, precipitation, and state mandates. For example, NRDs with large populations and high precipitation but no state mandate tended to produce outputs with less focus on enforcement mechanisms, highlighting how context shapes policy emphasis (see Table 2).

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This study underscores the importance of institutional fit in natural resource governance. It shows that decentralized systems like Nebraska’s NRDs can successfully tailor policies to local contexts, particularly when supported by state-level guidance. However, the reliance on voluntary planning can lead to inconsistent levels of customization, raising questions about equity and effectiveness across districts.

You can read the original article in Policy Studies Journal at

Olivier, Tomás and Sechindra Vallury. 2024. “ Institutional Fit and Policy Design in Water Governance: Nebraska’s Natural Resources Districts.” Policy Studies Journal 52 (4): 809–832. https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12550.

About the Authors

Tomás Olivier is an Assistant Professor of Public Administration and the Assistant Director of the Center for Policy Design and Governance at the Maxwell School of Citizenship & Public Affairs at Syracuse University.

Follow him on Bluesky: @tomasolivier.bsky.social

Sechindra Vallury is an Assistant Professor of Environmental Policy at the Odum School of Ecology and the Director for Policy at the River Basin Center, University of Georgia. 

Follow him on Bluesky: @sechindra.bsky.social


Narrative Strategies in a Nondemocratic Setting: Reflections on Conducting Policy Process Research in Autocracies

by Caroline Schlaufer & Dilyara Gafurova

Our article Narrative strategies in a nondemocratic setting: Moscow’s urban policy debates explored how narratives are strategically used in authoritarian contexts to promote or contest policy reforms. Focusing on three contentious urban policy debates in Moscow—housing renovation, public transport reforms, and waste management policies—we found stark differences in narrative strategies between government actors and their opponents. The Moscow government employed narratives that framed itself as a hero delivering widespread public benefits while avoiding acknowledgment of policy problems or villainizing opponents. In contrast, oppositional narratives depicted the government as a villain and emphasized the costs and exclusivity of governmental policies. The difference between the governmental and opposing narrative strategies, for example, between the angel and devil-shift scores of the two sides of the debates (see Table 2 of our article), is very large and much higher than in democratic contexts, indicating a strong polarization of the debate. A “debate” in an authoritarian context is less a dialogue but rather parallel monologues with governmental narratives dominating.

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The research is based on a quantitative content analysis of online sources that were written between 2012 and 2020. Since conducting our research, Russia’s policy context has transformed dramatically. The ongoing war against Ukraine has accelerated autocratization and exacerbated repression in Russia. These developments have fundamentally altered the space for public policy discourse and almost obliterated oppositional voices. The majority of the actors whose online narratives we analyzed (see Appendix A of our article) are now silenced—whether by exile, imprisonment, death, organizational closure, or the inaccessibility of platforms like Facebook within Russia. This means that replicating our study is not possible anymore, as conducting the same research today would yield far fewer critical perspectives on Moscow’s urban policies.

The shrinking space for public debate has also been accompanied by increasing restrictions on academic freedom. Many scholars who worked on our research project on narratives in Moscow have since left Russia due to safety concerns and the hostile environment for empirical social research. The closure of HSE University’s Public Policy Department, where this research was conducted, epitomizes the growing difficulties faced by academics in the country.

Our findings demonstrated that the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF), initially designed for democratic settings, is a robust tool for understanding discursive strategies in authoritarian contexts, even as genuine public debate disappears. While our research cannot be replicated in today’s Russia, the lessons it offers remain relevant—not only for autocracies but also for liberal democracies that increasingly experience polarization of public debates and attacks on academic freedom. However, our study and experience also raise critical questions about the boundaries of conducting policy process research in autocracies. Scholars must navigate significant ethical and safety concerns to protect team members and data sources, but at the same time meet high scientific standards and publish research even though access to data and possibilities to conduct research are extremely restricted.

You can read the original article in Policy Studies Journal at

Schlaufer, C., Gafurova, D., Zhiryakova, E., Shikhova, M. andBelyaeva, N. 2023. “Narrative strategies in a nondemocratic setting: Moscow’s urban policy debates.” Policy Studies Journal 51: 79–100. https://doi.org/10.1111/psj.12445

About the Authors

Caroline Schlaufer is a senior researcher at the KPM Center for Public Management and head of the Ethics and Policy Lab of the Multidisciplinary Center of Infectious Diseases at the University of Bern, Switzerland. Her research focuses on the role of narratives and of science in policy processes and on public policy in authoritarian contexts. She worked as a Professor at the Public Policy Department at HSE University in Moscow between 2017 and 2021.

Dilyara Gafurova heads the team of the Sphere foundation that focuses on fostering LGBTQ+ rights in Russia. She is a political scientist and worked on this research project on policy narratives in Moscow during her Master’s at HSE University in 2018-2020.